The Party School Phenomenon in China and North Korea and the Mainstream HRD View: Implications for HRD Theory Development Research

Abstract: Abstract
The current human resource development (HRD) literature is based on the mainstream western contexts. However, the mainstream HRD can hardly explain non-western sociopolitical contexts (Bruton, et al., 2021; Wang & Doty, 2022, accepted). For example, a western notion of HRD as ultimately beneficial to the whole of humanity would lose its base in authoritarian contexts in North Korea (Wang et al., 2022). We examine HRD functions in non-mainstream settings on the indigenous Party School (PS) phenomenon in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and North Korea. Our study adopts the new HRD definition and focus on the three properties of HRD: shaping, skilling, and the host system of HRD (Wang et al. 2017).
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as the ruling party from 1949 has long emphasized developing its cadres. A Party School (PS) system, as a key HRD mechanism has been in place to shape CCP cadres’ political skills, loyalty, and revolutionary spirit since 1933 for senior party officials. After 1949, the Central PS (CPS) moved to Beijing and started training cadres in large-scale (Shambaugh, 2008). From 1993, the CPS started its Graduate Division to admit PhD and Master’s student from the public (Liu, 2009).
Additional to CPS, the CCP established a network of PSs at all levels in all sectors (Shambaugh, 2008). Vertically, CCP committees at provincial, city/municipal, and county levels have their own PS for training corresponding cadres (Tian & Cai, 2021). Horizontally, each industrial and occupational sector establishes a PS network. For example, PS systems are not only covering the entire educational administrative system, but also entering colleges and universities. Even elementary and secondary schools are covered by a national online PS system (http://www.zxxdx.com.cn). Based on such extensive networks of PS, we estimate that the total number of the PS exceeds 6000, including all PSs in the higher education institutions (cf. Shambaugh, 2008) but not counting the 1000 Colleges of Socialism under the CCP United Front Department (Shambaugh, 2008).
Limited literature about North Korea showed that the Worker’s Party of Korea (WPK) adopts a similar PS system with similar structures to that of the CCP (Sun & Wang, 2016). The WPK system involves three levels, the village, county and national. At the village level, the PS “furnish the participant about 600 hours technical studies in industrial or agricultural management (two thirds of class time), and of Party history, ideology, and organization (one third of class time)” (Thomas, 1983, p. 250). For the county-level cadres, the party send selected individuals to the provincial PS for varying programs. These cadres would have a better chance to get promoted for career advancement. At the national level, the Kim Il Sung Higher Party School is designed for promising candidates who would be promoted to county Party chairman or higher positions (Thomas, 1983).
We adopted a literature review approach to examine two research questions. What are the functionality and regularities of the PS phenomenon in both countries? And what are theoretical implications for HRD theory development in relation to the mainstream HRD view?
We found that the functions of PSs at different levels are different. At individual level, it is considered an honor to be selected for PS training programs because it is regarded as a step-stone for promotion and career success (Marinaccio, 2018).
• At the CPS and Provincial PS:
o Think Tank, Consulting for the corresponding CCP department
o Training corresponding or one level lower for selected cadres for career advancement preparation
o Formal education for PhD and Master’s degree programs
• County level PSs: For county and township/village cadres training
• PSs in educational institutions has two primary functions: propaganda and information censorship through thought and political education.
PS operational process: Horizontally, PS facilitates the translation of symbolic ideology into operational ideology. That is the formulation of sector-specific policies within the framework of ideological party concepts which set the parameters for what is to be developed and how it is to be developed. Vertically, PS operates in the context of central-local relations pursuing a higher degree of responsiveness of local government agencies toward higher-level mandates. And spiritually, PS at all levels and sectors focuses on traditional propaganda to maintain highly consistent political thought with the central CCP and absolute loyalty to the party and leader (Marinaccio, 2018).
Thus, the outcomes of the PS are, the CCP and WPK effectively maintain a “one party, one leader, one thought, and one voice” system and the authoritarian sustainability (Wang, et al., 2022). Implications for HRD theory development research will be discussed.